DIGITAL DOCUMENTATION OF BUDDHIST SITES IN TAMIL NADU
Dr.D.Dayalan
Archaeological Survey of India

Buddhism came to South India during the period of Emperor Ashoka (c. 273-236 BC). The rock edicts of him found in the bordering regions of South India invariably refer to the Buddhist dharma. However, the prevalence of Buddhism in the Tamil country till 3rd-4th century AD is not attested by any material evidences. The reason may be that consistent with pan-Indian usage, perishable materials like wood and brick had been used for the construction of secular as well as religious edifices of the early times.  However, the discovery of large number of Buddhist vestiges datable to 5th-6th century AD and onwards at various places in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry indicate the wide prevalence of Buddhism in this region It appears that Buddhism was a flourishing faith during this period and has been patronized by the local people and the merchants and perhaps the rulers as well.  

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image3On the basis of the clue from the inscriptions, details given in the local and foreign texts and place names, a large number of sites yielding Buddhist relics are spotted all over Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry. The relics include stone sculptures and bronzes, excavated remains, inscriptions and paintings The author of the present paper documented all these Buddhist vestiges and also prepared a map of Buddhist sites in Tamil Nadu with inputs such as detail of the location, nature, description, date and status of the relics, excavations, detail photographs, published references, etc. (Please see the Annexure for the List of Buddhist Sites in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry). The mapping of the Buddhist sites not only revealed the distribution of the Buddhist sites in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry along with all relevant details of the sites but also the focal centres of Buddhism. Some of the epicentres of Buddhism in this area is as follow:

 

 

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KAVIRIPPUMPATTINAM­
       
Kavirippumpattinam (110 12’ 50” N; 790 52’ 50” E) in district Tanjavur, the celebrated capital and port city of the illustri­ous Cholas of the Cankam age1 is said to have been situated on the confluence of the river Kaviri with the Bay of Bengal. This city was known by several names in ancient period, viz., Pukar,2 Pumpukar,3 Kakanti,4 Campapati,5 Kavirippumpattinam,6 etc. Ptolemy (c.1st century AD) refers to this place as "Kaberis Emporion" 7 whereas Periplus of the Erthrian sea as "Camara.8
Tamil literature of the first three centuries AD gives a vivid account of this celebrate port city of the Cholas, its harbour, sailors, merchants, merchandise, etc.  A poem from the 1st-2nd century AD states that big ships entered the port without slacking their sails and poured out on the beach precious merchandise from different overseas countries and also other ports of India.9 Flags were fluttering on the mast of the ships heaving in the port of Pukar like huge elephants chafing.10 It also speaks of the tall light house on the coast summoning the ships to the harbour by the night, 11 yavanar-irukkai (colony of foreign traders), 12 etc.
This metropolis was not only famous for its seafaring activities but also well known in times of yore as a glorious centre of Buddhism. Many texts13 indicate the existence and perhaps the prosperous condition of the Buddhist establishments at Kavirippumpattinam.
The literature of Cankam period, the Augustan age which produced a bumper crop of Tamil, poetical work, do not make any direct reference to either Buddhist or Jain religions, although some references have been interpreted, often in a far-fetched manner, as an evidence of their presence.14 The Pattinappalai, one of the Cankam works, refer to a tavappalli at Pukar.15   If the tavappalli is considered as Buddhist monastery-then it would have been the earliest reference in Tamil literature of Buddhist settlement in Tamil country in general and Kavirippompattinam in particular.
There are literary references to a Buddhist monastery called Intira vikaram in this city.16 According to the tradition, the construction of these viharas are ascribed to Makentra (Mahendra/ Mahindra), son or brother of Ashoka and also God Indra.l7 This vikaram as referred to in Cilappatikaram of c.5-6th century AD was not constructed by hand or machinery, but was a mind-born institution.18  It further mentions that Indra caused these sacred seven viharas to be built near the Mahapoti tree, sacred to Buddhist in the city of Pukar.19 Associating any place or religious edi­fices with the divine heroes or great kings in order to boost its importance and antiquity is a common tradition in India. Following this tradition the vikarams at Pukar are also ascribed to divine authorship i.e. to Indra and to the great kings like Ashoka or Makentra. There is no probabil­ity at all of Ashoka or Makentra having built a stupa or monastery in this area. This narration is tainted by legendary accounts and cannot be relied upon for the purpose of history.
The mentioning of seven vikarams at Kavirippumpattinam is quite interesting. Number seven seems to be a very auspicious number to Buddhist religion.20 The Manimekalai, composed with the intension of exaltation of Buddhism, is crucial for the study of the various Buddhist establishments at Kavirippumpattinam. It is, in fact significant that Manimekalai, the heroine of the poet-philosopher Cattanar, started as a Buddhist novitiate in Pukar, and is made to visit all the key centres of Buddhism in Tamilakam, Ilam (Ceylon) and South-East Asia. She adopted the robes of a pikkuni under the tutelage of Aravana atikal, the head of the Cankam of Pukar.21
The existence of seven Intira vikarams at Pukar is conspicuously mentioned in the epics. The reference to the Intira vihara of Pukar and Mapoti occurs in the Cilappatikaram, when Kovalan narrates a dream to the brahmana named Matalan.22   After leaving Pukar for Maturai, Kovalan and Kannaki are said to have crossed the outer gate of this city and then passed by the seven vikarams known as Intira vikaram.23 From this statement in Cilappatikaram, it is clear that this Buddhist establishment was located in the outskirts of the urban area. The epic further states that Macattuvan after hearing of his son Kovalan's unjust execution by the Pandya king disgusted of worldly life and joined the Buddhist Cankam establishments in the Intira vikaram of Pukar.24
This vikaram is also frequently mentioned in the Manimekalai.25 The Intira vikaram seems to be very popu­lar at that time and was considered to be prestigious to compare it with other vikarams. While describing the Cera capital Vanci, Manimekalai mentioned a vikaram, which is said to be as beautiful as the Intira vikaram of Kavirippumpattinam.26
Interestingly, Cattanar speaks of a small pavilion made of crystal in a park called Upavana. A replica of the Buddha's foot print was worshipped there.27 The same author asserts that Killivalavan, a Cola king converted the prison into a Buddhist monastery at the request of the nun Manimekalai.28
In addition, there existed in the same city, the Cakkaravalakkottam, 29 a Buddhist temple near the burial ground. The shrine was also perhaps known as Cutukattukkottam ("temple in the cremation ground"), on the outskirts of Pukar.  It was probably associated with the Kapalikas, a group of ardent Saivas, 30 but later seems to have been converted into a Buddhist one. The Cakkaravalakkottam seems to have been a symbolic representation of the universe as per Bud­dhist notions. Manimekalai's accounts on Cakkaravalam says that it had the depiction in clay; the Meru hill, with its seven allied hills, four island continents, two thousand islets and the celestials residents in them.31 It is interesting to note that this description strikingly tallies with the plan of the remains unearthed from a site known as Pantuvasnuvara in Ceylon. The excavator of this site gives the following interpretation. "The plan reminds one of the manner in which the universe was conceived by the people of India and Ceylon in ancient times. The square structure corresponds to the mountain Meru, the ridges to the circles of mountains which are said to encompass it, and the depressions to the oceans in between these circles of mountains. Encircling all it was be­lieved, there was Cakkravala, beyond which the light of the sun and moon does not travel. The central features being buried, the universe must have been here represented as seen from a point very much above the summit of Meru. There is thus reason to conclude that the circular site at Pantuvasnuvara is a representation in miniature of the universe……….the Cakkaravala." 32
The Cakkaravalakkottam at Kavirippumpattinam seems to be a model of a Vajrayana mantalamIn the same locality, there was a small Buddhist temple called Kuccarakkutikai which is stated to have enshrined Goddess Campapati.33 The name Kuccarakutikai perhaps denotes a small tem­ple of Gurjara (Gujarat) style.34 The temple was also known as Mutiyal kottam (temple of elderly goddess).35 Campapati was considered the tutelary deity of the Buddhist at Kavirippumpattinam.36 In one of the pillars of the Campapati temple existed the pillar-deity known as Kantir­pavai, a divine agent which has the spiritual power of explaining the past and future.
Barring the legendary portions and the miraculous elements, the details supplied by the twin epics about the Buddhist establishments at Pukar are reliable and are useful for the reconstruction of the history of Buddhism of that site.
EPIGRAPHICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF BUDDHISM IN KAVIRIPPUMPATTINAM
Kakamti
Coming to the epigraphical and archaeological evidences, the allegedly earliest epigraphical references to Kavirippumpattinam comes from Barhut, the famous Buddhist centre near Satna in Madhya Pradesh, which flourished during the second and first centuries B.C. The inscription engraved on a railing of the stupa here says that it was the gift of a nun Soma from Kakamti. (kakamtiya somaya bikkhuniya danam).37
Kakamti is often identified by scholars with Kakanti, the other name of Kavirippumpattinam, which is said to have mentioned in the Manimekalai.38 There are few points yet to be settled before accepting this identification unanimously. Firstly there is no archaeological evidence available till date at Kavirippumpattinam to prove the existence of a Buddhist establishment of such an early time. Secondly the name Soma is not generally met with as a proper name in the Tamil land. Thirdly there is a less possibility of contact between the coastal town on the extreme south and the remote Buddhist centre in Central India, in the pre-Christian era.39
BUDDHIST MONASTERY
Excavations were carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India in many places at Kavirippumpattinam from 1962 onwards. Interestingly the excavations in a locality known as Pallavaneccuvaram at Kavirippumpattinam yielded an excellent evidence about the existence of Buddhist vihara and temple.40 The excavations at Kavirippumpattinam revealed that the Bud­dhist monastic traditions of Tamilakam were to some extent common with those noticed in lower Deccan and Andhra Pradesh. The viharas noticed in Andhra Pradesh usually consisted of elongated wings and each of them contained several cells with a common verandah for each wing. The wings led into a courtyard where the shrine unit was located. It is not clear in the excavation at Kavirippumpattinam whether there was any typical chaitya temple either with the replica of stupa or a statue of the Buddha inside as was common in most of the monasteries found in Andhra Pradesh in the Hinayana and Mahayana stages respectively.
One full wing of the monastery, consisting of nine oblong rooms, each measuring 3.10 x 2.40 mt. was laid bare at Kavirippumpattinam. On the south of this row, at a distance of 2.25 mt. a number of offsets were found in the wall indicating the presence of a common- verandah to the monastery. There was a provision of drainages of waste water which moved through a drain under the monastery unit towards north.  The cells are laid in the south-east to north-west direction. The extent courses stand up to a meter or more and the size of the brick was 42 x 24 x 10 cm average. A small bronze figurine of a seated Buddha in dhyana pose and a broken terracotta figurine of a goddess were found in one of the cells. The Buddha is shown on his head with the usnisa, the cranial protuberance symbolizing Buddhahood, in the form of a flame.41 The shawl covered only the left shoulder leaving the right bare. Stylistically this figure is datable to the 5th century AD or little latter.
BUDDHAPADA
There was a Buddhapada found away from the vihara to its south. It was tilted upside down at the time of discovery, showing thereby evidence of disturbance of life and desecration of the site temporarily.  The pottery associated with this layer is dateable to around 3rd-4th century AD. The Buddhapada was of Palnad lime stone and it has a small receptacle cut between the long toes of the feet and intended for the relic offerings of bone fragments and gold flowers, which were customarily deposited in it, related to the acharyas or the Buddha as the case may be, which it venerated.  The buddhapada of similar nature of course without receptacle socket noticed at Nagarjunakonda is dateable to 3rd century AD by its inscription. The buddhapada at Kaveripumpattinam is also seemingly of the Theravada school. The buddhapadapair shows the auspicious symbols such as the purnaghata, svastika and srivatsa, etc. The four important events of the Buddha's life ending with chaitya worship representing mahaparinirvana are also depicted on the slab It is datable to 3rd-4th century AD. The available evidence suggests that the monastery belonged to the fourth-fifth century AD. It went into disuse in 5th century AD, perhaps due to the effects of intrusion of the sea.
It is interesting to mention that in the concluding lines of Abhidhammavatara, Buddhadatta the author of the work mentions, “In the lovely Kaveripattana, crowded with hordes of man and women, not belonging to impure castes, endowed richly with all the requisites of a town ……. beautified with many gardens, and in a beautiful and pleasant monastery adorned with a mansion as high as the peak of Kailasa, built by Kanhadasa ………..while I was living in an old house there, by me, who am shining with qualities, such as writing beautifully on good topics ………this was composed and propounded extensively.” 42 After closing the benedictory lines some later writer has added the colophon: This work named Abhidhammavatara was composed by Buddhadatta Achariya, inhabitant of Urugapuram
The second stage of buddhist activity at Kaveripumpattinam began in the form of a temple or caitya. The caitya or temple excavated on the south of the vihara was itself a best example of early brick architecture in Tamilakam. Notwithstanding mainly the foundation and ground floor pattern of the structure is preserved at present, it reveals about the techniques of the construction in brick, adopted at that time The temple, square on plan, built in panca ratha (five offsets) style stands on a lofty plinth of brick, moulded in jagati, padma, etc. The rectangular or ‘L’ shaped as well as the small square voids in the foundation, together with the large central squarish void, would seem to suggest that the structures stood in more than one storey height and perhaps the shrine was erected by a astylar corbelling principle with staircases leading to the upper floor from all the three sides except the east, towards which it was obviously facing. The sanctum was perhaps on the top of the central large square void, after spanned the void by corbelling method from four sides and provided with floor of the sanctum on its top. Except the traces of granite members, perhaps used as pillars the entire structure was of brick and stucco. The walls were originally decorated with the moulded bricks and stucco ornamentation. Traces of a few layers of paintings have also been noticed on the stucco pieces recovered in the excavation. There is no clear evidence about the height and number of storeys of the structure. But it could not be less than two or three storeys, as it was not uncommon in brahmanical temples of the age. The temple might have been surmounted by a vimana either on the form of kutakara or curvilinear The available evidence suggests that the temple seems to be later than the vihara and can be dated to the sixth-seventh century AD.43   The nature of some of the numerals engraved on the stone pillars, the style of the stucco heads of vyalas and dvarapalas etc. found in the site also indicate that they are of 6- 7th century AD..
Melaiyur, located very close to the site, where the Buddhist remains excavated at Kavirippumpattinam had yielded beautiful bronzes including a gilted Maitreya as a treasure trove in 1927. This place was a part and parcel of ancient Kavirippumpattinam.44 Even today a locality in Kavirippumpattinam is known by the same name. This place is often wrongly located by scholars in the Nakappattinam region.45 Dressed in royal attire and visualized as a crowned and bejeweled Boticattva, the gilted Maitreya figure has a socket beneath its hallow pedestal that suggest it would have fixed on either to the pedestal or prabha of a bigger image. This image is dated to 8th- 9th century AD. Perhaps the main image, by the side of which the beautiful Maitreya fixed originally is the magnifIcent gilted Buddha seated in front of a richly ornamented throne back, now in the collec­tion of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston.46 Originally it was flanked by two Boticattva probably Avalokitesvara and Maitreya.
BUDDHIST SCHOOLS AT KAVIRIPPUMPATTINAM
It is curious to know what sort of Buddhist school or sects existed at Kavirippumpattinam and also the reason for the disappearance of Buddhism there. Alike other parts of Tamilakam, Pukar witnessed all the main sects of Buddhism i.e., Hinayana, Mahayana and Vajrayana. Archaeological and literary sources clearly portrayed the existence of Hinayana tradition of symbolic worship and of Vajrayana deities such as Avalokitecuvara, Tara, Maitreya, etc. Cakkaravalakkonam is a model of a Vajrayana mantala. A circular brick structure containing the skull, jaw and ribs of an animal of bovine species found outside the vihara also perhaps indicates the sacrifice tradition of the Vajrayana sect.47 It is appropriate to point out here that even human sacrifices were also reported to in the Vajrayana temple of Hariti elsewhere.48
THE DECLINE OF BUDDHISM IN KAVIRIPPUMPATTINAM
Buddhism seems almost wiped out of Kavirippumpattinam somewhere in the medieval period. Hardly have we got any traces of Buddhism after 8th-9th century. It is but natural; the reason propounded by the scholars for the vanishing of Buddhism in Tamilakam is also applicable to Kavirippumpattinam. In addition to these there seems to be another reason also for the decline of Buddhism in this coastal city. Say around 5th-6th centuries, Pukar's position as a major commercial and political centre was seriously affected perhaps due to the submergence of part or full of the city for sometime.49 In the subsequent period the maritime activities of southern Tamil land were shifted to Nakapattinam and it served as a major port city under the Imperial Cholas. The decline of commercial activity at Kavirippumpattinam perhaps forced the trading communities to abandon or lessen their activities in this city. This in turn perhaps brought to a crisis for Buddhism as it was mainly patronized by the mercantile community. Even the material evidence available, also proved that in the Tamil country Buddhist influence was confined mainly to the coastal town and urban centers where the trade activities were more. After Pukar, Nakappattinam being a prominent maritime centre under the Imperial Cholas took the responsibility of fostering the Buddhism and trade.

NAKAPPATTINAM
Nakappattinam (100 47’ 18.13” N; 790 50’ 32.04” E) was referred as Nikama by Ptolemy,50 Nagavadana by I-tsing, Pa-tan by Marco Polo, Malifattan by Rashiduddin  and Navutapattana in the Kalyani inscriptions of Dhammaceti (1476 AD).51   It was a centre of trade and also of many religions including Buddhism. The close association of this place with Buddhism is revealed through the diggings in the localities called Velippalayam, Nanayakkara street and Maruntukkottala street in between 1856 to 1934 which have yielded as many as 350 Buddhist bronze images ranging from 9th century to 16th-17th century.52  The mass production of bronzes in Nakapattinam indicates that this place was an important centre Buddhism in India and large number of Buddhist bronzes was exported from here to various other Buddhist centres in the country. As a result of maritime contacts between South India and South-east Asian countries, there existed in Nagapattinam a colony of Buddhist and also Buddhist temples (Pallis) and Viharas. During the reign of the Pallava king Narasimhavarman II (c.700-728) a Buddhist temple was constructed at Nakappattinam under the order of a Chinese king for the sake of perhaps the Chinese Buddhist who came to Nakappattinam from China for trade. It was during the reign of this Pallava king that the great Buddhist acharya called Vajrabodhi (661-730) proceeded to China to spread Vajrayana there, It is mentioned that he reached China in 720 AD after visiting Ceylon and Srivijaya and presented a copy of the Buddhist text Mahaprajna to the Chinese king. The Vajrayana that Vajrabodhi took to China is also called as Tantrayana and Mantrayana.53 
The Sailendras, the rulers of Srivijaya kingdom which comprised of Sumatra, Java and Malaysia peninsula were zealous Buddhists. They founded Buddhist establishments not only in their kingdom, but also in many other nations particularly India. An inscription at Nalanda in Bihar, India records that a Sailendra king Balaputradeva built a monastery there in the 9th century AD and at his request king Devapala of Bengal endowed five villages for its upkeep.54 Similarly the Larger Leyden copper plates of Rajaraja Cola (985-1014 AD) records that a Budddhist palli (temple) in the Culamanivarma Vihara was erected by the Kitara king (kitaratt-araiyan,) Culamanivarma at Nakapattinam, perhaps for his subjects who settled at Nakapattinam for trade purpose. The record states that Rajaraja granted the revenues of the village of Anaimankalam to the Buddha residing in the surpassingly beautiful Culamanivarma vihara, of high loftiness which belittled the Kanakagiri. It had been built in the name of his father by the glorious Maravijayottunkavarman who was born in the Sailendra family, who was the Lord of the Sri-Vishaya, who was conducting the rule of Kataha ... (and) who was the son of Culamanivarman, at Nakapattinam.55  The Smaller Leyden copper plates of Kulottunga Chola I (1070-1122) dated to 1090 AD records the exemption of certain taxes to the palliccandam villages of two Buddhist pallis at Nakappattinam at the request of the ambassadors of the king of Kataram. One is called as Rajendracholap Perumpalli and the other is Sailendra Chutamanivarma vihara alias Rajarajapperumpalli both built by the king of Katara (kitarattu araiyan).56  As stated earlier that the Sailendra Chotamanivarma vihara was constructed by the Srivijaya king Maravijayottunkavarman during the time of Rajaraja Chola I (985-1014) after obtaining permission from the later.57   Rajendracolap Perumpalli was probably constructed during the time of Rajendra Chola I (1012-1044) or Kulottunga Chola I (Rajendra is one of the title of Kulottunga Chola) before 1090 AD.
Interestingly in the collection of Rockefeller III, there is a Buddha bronze image shown standing on lotus pedestal. The pedestal is engraved with inscription in Tamil character datable to 11th cent.58 It records that this bronze image used as a procession deity in the Rajendracholap Perumpalli Akkasalaip Perumpalli was made by Nalankunakara Utaiyar of Cirutavur. The Akkasalaip Perumpalli is seems to be either the alternative name of Rajendracholap Perumpalli or a sub-shrine within Rajendracholap Perumpalli. Akkasalai means goldsmith and the Patinen visaiyam is a merchant guild of medieval period in South India. Perhaps the Akkasalaip Perumpalli was patronized by the merchant community.59   
Da tang xi yu qiou fa gao seng zhuan written by venerable Yi-Jing between 1 and 2 year of TianShou of T’ang dynasty (690-691 AD) mentions about thirty- nine Buddhist monks came to India through the south sea during the T’ang dynasty period and visited Nagappattinam perhaps to see the Buddhist centres there.60 The Guruparamparai of 12th century records that the Vaishnava Alvar Tirumangai of 8th-9th century robbed the gold image of Buddha from Nakappattinam and used the gold out of it for the construction of Ranganatha temple at Srirangam.
The description of a place called Tuta meaning an "earthern tower" in the flat land of Patan (Nakapattinam) in the Daoyi Zhiluels refers to the existence of a brick tower which had a Chinese inscription. The inscription quoted in the Daoyi Zhilue gives the date of construction of the tower as the eighth moon of the third year of Xianchun (AD. 1267). It is stated in the Daoyi Zhilue the Chinese people came to Tuta and engraved the inscription in that year.61 Marco Polo of Venice visited Nakappattinam in the 13th century on his way to China and describes an eastern stupa in the flat land of Pa-tan (Nakappattinam) as follows, “It is surrounded with stones. There is stupa of earth and brick many feet high. It bears the following Chinese inscription: The work was finished in the 8th moon of the third year hien chw’en (1267). It is related that these characters have been engraved by some Chinese in imitation of inscriptions on stone of those countries; up to the present time they have not been destroyed.” 62 The existence of Buddhist edifice constructed by the king of China at Nakapattinam is also attested to by the Kalyani inscription (AD. 1476) of Dhammaceti, the king of Pegu.63 According to the inscription a group of theras visiting Ceylon, being shipwrecked, travelled on foot to Nakapattinam and there they visited the site of the Patarikarama monastery. They worshipped an image of the Buddha in a cave constructed at the behest of the Maharaja of Cinadesa.64    
It is well known that a broken brick tower had been standing in Nakapattinam till 1867 when it was pulled down by the Jesuits.65  It was variously known as the Putuvelikopuram, Old Pagoda, Black Pagoda and Jaina Pagoda.66  Sir Charles Valentyn (1725) called it as Pagood China (i.e. Chinese Pagoda).67  The sketch of the monument prepared in 1846 at the instance of Walter Elliot provides clue on the architectonic affiliation of the edifice.68  It had the appearance of an elongated stepped pyramidal structure. Each storey is demarcated by a prominent moulding serving as a cornice. All the four faces of the storeys were relieved with pilasters and had an opening for a door or window in the middle of each side. This structure is closely similar to the multi-storied brick pagoda of China in character.

BHUTAMANGALAM/ BUDALUR (100 46’ 46.67” N; 780 59’ 00.68” E)
In the closing passage of the Vinaya Vinicchaya, Buddhadatta mentions, “In the undisturbed town of Bhutamangala, containing all kinds of people which was the navel of the great Chola kingdom and ……… in the beautiful and pleasant monastery surrounded by well built outer walls and moat belonging to Venhudasa, brilliant with vanira trees lining the banks of the river …. by me who lived (there) in a mansion which clarifies the mind was composed in honour of  Buddhasimha this compilation on the principles of Vinaya taught by Buddhasimha for the sake of my pupils and for the good of the Bhikkus who wanted to learn the Vinaya in a short time without difficulty. It was begun and finished during the reign of the blemishless Acchuta Vikkanta of the Kalabbha kula.”69 Bhutamangala is identified with Bodhimangai mentioned in Periyapuranam and Budalur in Tanjavur district. Alutaiyappillaiyar Tiruvantati, Alutaiyappillaiyar Tiruttokai and Alutaiyappillaiyar Tiruccenbai, all the works on the life of Sambandar speak about his encounter with the Buddhist at Bodhimangai, a citadel of Buddhism.70 Periyapurnam also referred to Bodhimangai as a stronghold of the Buddhist.71 The large number of Buddhist vestiges found in Budalur and its surrounding areas attested the facts referred to in the literary sources. 

KANCIPURAM (120 50’ 03.92” N; 790 43’ 59.02” E)  
It seems Buddhism had a firm footing in the Pallava realm at many places. The Mattavilasaprahasana of the Pallava king Mahendravarman I (c.580-630 AD)
refers to the existence of many Buddhist vihara at Kancipuram, the capital of the
Pallavas.72 Yuan Chwang, the Chinese traveller who visited India in between 629-645, mentioned in his chronicle that Kancipuram had more than 100 Buddhist monasteries with above 10,000 brethren, all of the Sthavira school.  The deva temples were 80 and the majority belonged to the Digambaras.  He further mentions that this country had been frequently visited by Buddha and king Ashoka had erected topes at the various spots where the Buddha had preached and admitted people in to his order.  The capital was the birth place of Dharmapala Pusa.73 Notwithstanding there are cases of bitter attack and slender by the people of other rival sects, Buddhism had a smooth sailing in Tamil Nadu during the Pallava period. In fact Buddha was happily considered by the Hindus as their god and included as an incarnation of Vishnu. The Pallava granta inscription in the Adivaraha cave at Mamallapuram mentions Buddha while enumerating the ten incarnations of Vishnu.74  The sculpture of standing Buddavatara Vishnu was carved in one of the niches on the walls of the Vaikuntaperumal temple at Kancipuram constructed during the time of Nandivarman II Pallavamalla (731-796 AD). Large number of Buddha images ranging from 7th century to 14th century is found in and around Kancipuram indicate that it remained as an important centre of Buddhism. An impressive figure among them is the large standing Buddha of about 7th century hailed from the premises of the Kamakshi temple.75
The other Buddhist site in Tamil Nadu mentioned by Yuan Chwang is Molo-ku-ta or Malakuta which is 3000 li south of Kancipuram.  During his visit he saw many remains of old monasteries. Of which very few monasteries were in preservation and there was only a small number of brethren. There were hundreds of deva temples and the professed adherents of the various sects, especially Digambaras were very numerous.  Not far from the east side of the capital were the remains of the old monastery built by Ashoka’s brother Mahendra (?) with the foundations and dome, the latter alone visible, of a ruined tope on the east side of the remains. The tope has been built by Ashoka to perpetuate the memory of Buddha. 76           
PONDICHERRY REGION
The occurrence of many Buddha images of 10th -13h century AD in and around Pondicherry indicates that this area was flourished as an important centre of Buddhism at least in the period between the 10th to 13th century AD.77 The noteworthy feature is that almost all the places where the Buddha statues reported have yielded Chinese and South-East Asian potteries datable to 10th-14th century AD. Arikametu, the famous trading station on the east coast of India, yielded many Chinese potteries in addition to the pottery and other materials brought from Italy and other Western countries.  The Chinese celadon wares found at Arikametu have the characteristic of the Sung and Yuan Lung Chuan wares and may be ascribed to circa 10th-12th centuries AD. The co-existence of the Chinese/South-East Asian materials and the Buddha images of identical period at Manappattu, Kirmampakkam, Arikametu (Ariyan kuppam), Pondicherry, etc. may suggest a close relation between them. It may not be erroneous to presume that the Buddhist vestiges found in this locality are either made for or influenced by the merchants who came to these trading stations for trade purposes from China/South-East Asian countries and settled there either permanently or for a while.

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REFERENCES

  1. Though there is no unanimous opinion among the scholars regarding the date of the Cankam period, it can be safely placed in between 200 B.C. to 200 AD.

 

  1. U. Ve. Swaminataiyar, (ed), Cilappatikaram, Kapir Accukkutam, Chennai, 1950, Canto. 1. Mankala valttuppatal, line. 16 & 22; canto. 6. Katalatu katai, line 32; canto. 7. Kanal vari, line 52, 56, 64, 163, 171 & 179; canto. 8. venir katai, line 4; Na. Mu. Venkatacami nattar, (ed), Manimekalai, Caiva Cittanta Nurpatippu Ka!akam, Chennai, 1992. Canto. 5. manimekala teyvam vantu tonriya katai, line, 109.
  1. Cilappatikiiram, canto. 1. mankala valttuppatal, line 10.

 

  1. Though there is no clear word denoting 'kakanti' found in Manimekalai, Nakacamy considered the presence of such name in the above work and identified it as Kavirippumpattinam. R. Nakacamy, Art and Culture of Tamil Nadu. Sundeep Prakashan, Delhi, 1980, pp. 123-124).
  1. Manimekalai  Patikam, line 8.

 

  1. ARE, 1991 nos. 261-273
  1. G.E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy’s Geography of Eastern Asia, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1992 (Reprint), p.408.

 

  1. W.H. Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea (Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant of the First Century), Oriental Book Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, 1974 (2nd edition), pp. 46 and 242.
  1. nirin vanta nimitparip puraviyum

kalin vanta karunkari mutaiyum
vatamalaip piranta maniyum ponnum
kutamalaip piranta varamum akilum
tenka!al muttun kunakatar tukilum
kankai variyum kavirip payanum
ilattu vunavun kalakatu akkamum
ariyavum periyavuma.
-Pattinappalai line 185-192 (U.Ve. Caminataiyar (ed) Pattuppattu
Mulamum Naccinarkkiniyar   Uraiyum, Kesari Patippakam, Chennai, 1950

  1. Pattinappalai, lines 203-210.

 

  1. ilankunir viraippir kalankarai vilakkamum (light houses in the coast summoning ships to the harbour)

 - Cilappatikaram, canto. 7. Kanal vari, line 3

  1. Cilappatikaram, canto. 5. intira vila uretutta katai, line 10.

 

  1. Manimekalai, Cilappatikaram, Makavamca, Abidammavatara, Buddha vamcatta kata, etc.
  1. T.N. Vasudeva Rao, Buddhism in the Tamil Country, Annamalai University, Annamalai Nagar, 1979, pp. 68-72

 

  1. Pattinappalai  line 51-53
  1. Cilappatikaram, canto. 10. Natu kankatai, line 14, canto. 27 Nirppataik katai, line 92; Maniimekalai canto. 26 vancimanakar pukka katai, line 55.

 

  1. Smith Vincent., Early History of India, Oxford, 1924, (4th edition), p. 185
  1. Cilappatikaram, canto. 27. Nirppataik katai, line 92

 

  1. Panaiyainu onkiya pacilaip poti

ani tikal nilal aravon, tirumoli
anta carikalaraintanar carrum
intira vikaram eluvuttan poki
- Cilappatikaram, canto. 10. Natu kan katai, line. 11-14

  1. Buddha is said to have made seven steps immediately after birth. The Manuci Buddhas are also seven in number. Depiction of a row of seven Buddhas is commonly found in the Buddhist caves at Aurangabad, Kanheri, Ajanta and other places.

 

  1. Maniimekalai, canto. 15. pattiran kontu piccai pukka katai, lines. 55-59
  1. Panaiyainu onkiya pacilaip poti

ani tikal nilal aravon tirumoli
anta carikalaraintanar carrum
intira vikaram elutan poki
-Cilappatikaram, canto. 10. natu kan katai, line 11-14

  1. Cilappatikaram, canto. 27. nirp pataik katai, line 92

 

  1. Kovalan tatai kotuntuyar eyti

Ma perun talnamavan porulittan
intira vikaram elutan pukkan
kantara carika! araim patinmar
piranta yakkaip pirappara muyanru
turantor tan mun turavi eytavum
- Cilappatikaram, canto. 27. nirp pataik katai, line 90-95

  1.  “intira vikaram elum ettutalin”, Manimekalai, canto. 26. vanci managar pukka katai, line 55;  “intira vikaramena elil perru”,  Manimekalai, canto. 28. kacci managar pukka katai, line 70

 

  1. Manimekalai, canto. 28. kacci managar pukka katai, lines 69-71
  1. Manimekalai, canto. 3. malar vanam pukka katai, line 59-66; canto. 5. manimekala teyvam vantu tonriya katai, line 95-105; canto. 6. line 11-12

 

  1. Manimekalai, canto. 19. ciraik kottam arakkottamakkiya katai, line 157-162

 

  1. cakkara valak kottam inkitu kan

itupinak kottattu eyirpuram akalin
cutukattuk kottam enralatu uraiyar
-Manimekalai, canto. 6. cakkaravalak kottam uraitta katai, line 202-204; also see Cilappatikaram, canto. 9. kanattiram uraitta katai, line 20

 

  1. The existence of meeting ground of the Cutalai nonpikal (Kapalikas) in the Cutukattuk kottam is referred to in the Manimekalai (see canto 6. cakkaravalak kottam uraitta katai, line 86-89)
  1. Manimekalai, canto. 6. cakkaravalak kottam uraitta katai, lines 190-202

 

  1. Gananath. Obeyesekere, Cult of the goddess Pathini, Moti lal Banarasi Das, Delhi, 1984.
  1. Manimekalai, canto. 18. Utaya kumaran ampalam pukka katai, lines. 144-145, 152

 

  1. Na.Mu Venkatacami nattar (ed), Manimekalai, Caiva Cittanta Nurpatippuk Kalakam, Chennai, 1992, p. 606
  1. Manimekalai, canto. 19. ciraik kottam arakkottam akkaiya katai, line 39

 

  1. Manimekalai, canto. 25. Line 160-215
  1. Alexander Cunningham,  The Stupa of Bharhut, Indological Book House, Varanasi, 1962, p. 139

 

  1. kakantan kattal kakanti enre

lyainta namam ip patikku ittu
-Manimekalai, 22, 37.

Nakacamy considered the presence of the name Kakanti in the above work and identified it as Kavirippumpattinam (R. Nakacamy, Art and Culture of Tamil Nadu, Sundeep Prakashan, Delhi, 1980, pp. 123-124; Aruvar, Pumpukar (Tamil), Tamil Nadu State Archaeology Department Publications, Chennai, 1975, p. 3)

  1. It is interesting to note in this context that the votive inscriptions found at Sanchi, a famous Buddhist centre in Madhya Pradesh mention that locality as Kakanaya, Kakanava, Kakanadapota, etc., (Sir John Marshall, The Mouments of Sanchi, Swati Publications, Delhi, 1982, pp. 297 -396). The word Kakandi referred to in the Barhut inscription may be taken as a corrupt form of Kakanaya or Kakanadapota. Of course, this assumption is based on mainly the nearness of Barhut with Sanchi than Kavirippumpattinam.

 

  1. A. Ghosh, (ed), Indian Archaeology 1964-65-A Review, Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1969, pp. 24-25.; M.N. Deshpande, (ed), Indian Archaeology 1972-73- A Review, Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1978, pp. 32-33
  1. The flame tipped usnisa is a symbol of the Buddha's attainment of supreme knowledge. The Lalitavistara, a Buddhist text states when the Buddha is in Samadhi, an ornamental ray called jnana "knowledge" proceeding from the opening in the usnisa, moves above his head.

 

  1. Abhidhammavatara, Slokas. 1409-13, Buddhadatta’s Manuals, Parts. I and II, Pali Text Society Publication.
  1. M.N. Deshpande, (ed), Indian Archaeology 1972-73- A Review, Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1978, pp. 32­-33

 

  1. R. Nakacamy. "Buddhist Icons of Tamilakam" (paper presented in the International Seminar on Tamil Buddhism held at Chennai during 25-31 May 1992).
  1. T.N. Ramachandran, The Nagapattinam and other Buddhist Bronzes in the Madras Museum, Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum, New Series-General Section, Vol. 7, No.1. Chennai, 1954, p. 52; C. Sivaramamurti, South Indian Bronzes, Lalit Kala Academy, Delhi, 1963, p.50

 

  1. The Boston Museum acquired the screen on its own in the year 1967 and it was only some three years later that the Buddha image appeared in the market.  When it became evident that the two belonged together, the Museum acquired the Bronze and placed it against its original backdrop. (Mulk Raj Anand (General Editor), Marg-A Magazine of the Arts, Vol. XXXIX No.4, Marg Publications, Bombay,  pp. 54-74)
  1. A. Ghosh (ed), Indian Archaeology 1965-66-A Review, (hereafter IAR), Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1973, pp.24-25

 

  1. G.V. Saroja,. "History of Buddhism in Tamil Nadu", paper presented in the International Seminar on Tamil Buddhism held at Chennai during 25-31, May 1992)
  1. There is controversy regarding the date of submergence of Kavirippumpattinam. The tentative date arrived in this paper is based on the sedimentation of sand layers found in the excavations at various places in Kavirippumpattinam from 1962-63 to 1973-74. (IAR. 1962-63, pp.13-14; IAR. 1963-64, pp. 20-21; IAR.1964-65, pp. 24-25; IAR. 1965-66, pp. 24-25; IAR.1970-71, p. 33; IAR. 1972-73, pp. 32-33; and IAR. 1973-74, p. 25)

 

  1. Indian Antiquary-A Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XIII, p.332.
  2. Indian Antiquary- A Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XXII, pp.11-53.
  3. Buddha images are mainly comprise of Buddha both in seated and standing postures, Avalokitesvara, Maitreya, Padmapani, Simhanada, Sadaksari Lokesvara, Tara, Jambhala, Vasudhara, Votive Stupas, etc.
  1. T.N. Ramachandran, 1954, p.14; C.Minakshi, Administration and Social Life under the Pallavas, University of Madras, Madras, 1977, p.251 

 

  1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol.XXII (1933-34), 1984, pp.281-284; B.E.F.E.O, Vol.XVII, pp.310-313.
  1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol.XXII (1933-34), 1984, pp.213-266.

 

  1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol.XXII (1933-34), 1984, pp.267-281.
  1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol.XXII (1933-34), 1984, pp.213-266

 

  1. The inscription reads,

“Rajendra cholap perumpalli akkasalaip perumpalli alvar koyilukku
tiruvurcchavam elundarula alvar. Ev alvarai eluntarulivittar cirutavur nalan
kunakara udaiyar
Svastisri patinen visaiyattukkum akkasalaikal nayakar.”   

  1. Treasures of Asian Art from the Mr and Mrs. D.Rockefeller 3rd Collection, The Asian Society, New York (Idemitsu Museum of Arts, Tokyo, 1992); Y. Subbarayalu, “Nagappattinam Cudamani Viharattaic carntta oru puttar patimam” Avanam, itai, 3, July 1993 pp. 43-47

 

  1. Huimin Bhikkhu et.al. “Buddhist Eminent Monks’ Tracks and the Sea Silk Road in Tang Dynasty”, Vietnam in the East Asian Buddhist Traditions and Electronic Cultural Atlas Initiative (ECAI), Vietnam Buddhist University, Ho Chi Minh city August 21 2007.
  1. Daoyi Zhilue is an important 14th century Chinese work on the countries in the southern sea stretching from South East Asia to West Asia.

 

  1. T.N. Ramachandran, 1954, p.14.
  1. Indian Antiquary: A Journal of Oriental Research, XXII (1878), reprint.1984, pp.29-51) The Kalyani inscriptions are situated at Zaingganaingm the western suberb of the Pegu. They comprise ten stone slabs with inscriptions on both sides. The language of the first three stones is Pali and that of the rest is Talaing, being a translation of the Pali text. Dhammacheti or Ramadhipati, king of Pegu, who put up these inscriptions in 1476 AD.

 

  1. Indian Antiquary: A Journal of Oriental Research, XXII (1878), reprint.1984, p.45
  1. Ibid.,  pp.224-227

 

  1. Ibid., p.224
  1. Loc.cit..

 

  1. M.Textorde- Ravisi, Governor of Karikal describes the building as follows, “the remains of this tower appeared to have a height of about 30 metres. It forms an irregular square of 11m.33 by 10m.66. The walls have a thickness of 4m.50. Each storey overhangs on the interior by 0m.33, in a manner to form a summit. The primary opening was as it is in more ancient Buddhist constructions at 5 metres below the soil. The materials are of enormous bricks perfectly made and superior to those with which one builds now a days in the country. The cement is clayey earth only; at the interior and in superstructure to the width of 0m.75 the bricks are bound by cement extremely hard. Indian Antiquary: A Journal of Oriental Research, XXII (1878), reprint.1984, p.226.
  1. Vinaya Vinicchaya- Slokas 3168-3179, Buddhadatta’s Manuals, Parts. I and II, Pali Text Society Publication.

 

  1. Alutaiyappillaiyar Tiruttokai mentions,

“nervanta puttan talaiyaip puvimerpuranavitta
Vittakap patal vilampinan.” Lines 19-20
(I.e. he uttered the magic song which caused the head of the opposing Buddhist to roll on the ground).

  1. Cakkiyar tam bodhimangai- Verse- 904

 

  1. N.P.Unni (edited and translated), Mattavilasaprahasana, College Book House, Trivandrum, 1974.
  1. Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India 629-645 A.D., Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, Vol. II, pp.226-228.

 

  1. K.R.Srinivasan, Cave Temples of Pallavas, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1964, p.173. 
  1. T.A.Gopinath Rao, “Buddha Vestiges in Kanchipura,” Indian Antiquary: A Journal of Oriental Research, 1915 (Reprint 1985), pp.127-129.

 

  1. Thomas Watters, 1988, Vol. II, pp.228-232.
  1. Manappattu, Arikametu, Kirmampakkam and Pondicherry.